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idiot and DE-DE CRETIN
Analisi di un decreto poco convincente

Alla (tragi)comica vicenda relativa alle irregolarità nel deposito della documentazione necessaria per la presentazione delle liste elettorali in Lazio e in Lombardia, è seguita l'emanazione da parte del Consiglio dei Ministri (e la successiva promulgazione da parte del Presidente della Repubblica) di un apposito decreto-legge finalizzato alla riammissione alla competizione elettorale delle liste precedentemente escluse (la lista del Popolo delle Libertà in provincia di Roma e quella “Per la Lombardia” a sostegno del governatore uscente Formigoni). Anzitutto una premessa di carattere politologico: il Governo Berlusconi porta la responsabilità di have triggered a heavy institutional clash (The Russian minister has called for the use of extreme solution while Di Pietro has even proposed putting Napolitano on the state of impeachment) that I did not absolutely necessary, since the decree has not yet had, and probably will never have, any practical application. The Regional Administrative Court of Lombardy, in fact, resolved the dispute based solely on a constant case law on purely formal irregularities (also accepting requests Formigoni list). In turn, the stipendiary administrative Lazio explained that the emergency decree "is not applicable in the present case because the region has dictated its provisions on electoral exercise the powers provided in the Constitution. " Once this important premise, let us analyze the legal substance of the matter.
There is considerable concern about the constitutionality of the decree "save-list" .. First, the regions would complain about the infringement of their legislative jurisdiction in electoral matters. Precisely because of this argument, the region of Lazio has raised conflict-of assignments before the consultation. Secondly: the decree-law which was launched in nature interpretation. You can use the authentic interpretation of laws when the legislature itself deems to clarify the meaning of a law already in force, as there are objective doubts about its meaning. If these doubts are not objective verifiable (there are no conflicts of case law or administrative practices inconsistent), it appears that the law is false interpretation and that such qualification has been assigned only to assure the retroactive effects over time. Finally, it is dubious, the possibility for the Government to issue decrees on electoral matters, even more so in such a short time since the vote. This is expressly prohibited by. 15 of Act 400 of 1988 (Government and Discipline of the order of the Prime Ministers). Despite the decree-law has the force necessary to abstract depart from the rules dictated by a formal ordinary law, it should be noted that Law 400 gives vent to constitutional principles in our legal system.
These arguments, however reputable, does not clear yet how perfectly summed up by President Napolitano: "We must find a balance between both interests worthy of protection: compliance with rules and procedures prescribed by law and the public's right to choose by vote between programs and alternative alignments. Probably in this case the opposition was exaggerated in the accusations against the Head of State, whose decision is not muove solo su parametri di legittimità costituzionale, ma sul più ampio campo dell'opportunità costituzionale (nel quale rientrano anche considerazioni di carattere politico). In questa ingarbugliata faccenda dunque, rimane una sola certezza: la sensazione di squallore e impotenza che si prova quando pensiamo che la gestione della res publica è affidata a questo genere di persone.

Luca Pressacco .